Wednesday, March 30, 2005

A Shot in Time

A shot in timeKARNA BASUIT is undeniable that photography bears a unique burden – that of accuraterepresentation – separating it from the other arts. One of the first issuesSusan Sontag tackles in her seminal treatise On Photography is ‘thepresumption of veracity that gives all photographs authority, interest,seductiveness.’This burden of veracity weighs more in India than elsewhere and inparticular the developed countries. It stems from India’s crushing povertyand, more recently, unpalatable communal violence. A photographer in Indiacannot, with any degree of comfort, altogether ignore the country he livesin. And this is partly due to the flexibility of the medium itself – thefact that photography facilitates rich relationships between artist andenvironment and between environment and audience.Interestingly, photography shares an important similarity with the saffronbrigade – both thrive on diversity. But unlike the saffron brigade, whichderives its sustenance from combating India’s diversity, when a photographershoots the unfamiliar it is an act of embrace. A photograph finds elementsof interest in the most mundane. It can extract heterogeneity even when itseems there is none available. This is particularly true of artphotography – work that, if commercial or journalistic, is not primarily so.There is, therefore, an urgent need for it to enter the Indian mainstream.Traditionally, many among the steady stream of western photographerstackling India have fallen into the tempting trap of simplistic summarizingrather than incisive exploration. When the Swiss photographer Robert Frankpublished The Americans in 1959, he was commended (and derided) for, amongother reasons, suggesting that a collection of photographs could somehowencompass the essence of a country as varied as the United States. Similarspreads on India do not generate these reactions.There is a plethora of photography books with the simple but arrogant title‘India’, in which the country (and sometimes the subcontinent) is simplifiedinto a ‘sea of smiling faces’ or something of the sort. But Ayodhya is notAhmedabad, and Kashmir is not Kerala. Bengali legend has it that whenAlexander arrived in India through the Himalayas, he scanned the entirecountry with a sweep of his eyes and exclaimed, ‘Satya, Seleucus, kibichitra ei desh! (Honestly, Seleucus, how diverse this country is!)’ IfAlexander’s eyesight is to be trusted, careful studies along geographic andthematic lines must precede ‘definitive’ works on India.On the other hand, the Indian approach to India (through photography andfilm) has frequently rested on escapist fantasy rather than a confrontationwith reality. This in itself does not contradict the goals of art. Take, asan illustration, the studio photographs by Seydou Keita, the Malianphotographer. A quiet unassuming man, he refused to philosophize about hiswork, insisting that his goal was simply to make his clients look theirbest. Yet his beautiful photographs are full of empathy and infuse thefantasies of the photographed with great dignity. This tradition of studiophotography (and similarly, Bollywood cinema) is only natural in countrieslike Mali and India, where people need a diversion from the struggle oftheir daily lives.But such an atmosphere can stifle alternate approaches to the arts – thosethat might fulfil other social functions. Susan Sontag writes of China: ‘Theonly use the Chinese are allowed to make of their history is didactic: theirinterest in history is narrow, moralistic, deforming, uncurious.’ While inChina the government creates the obstacles to art, in India it is thegigantic, influential and homogenous popular culture that does the same.The relative paucity of audience interest, however, has not preventedcontemporary Indian photographers from creating a formidable, if small, bodyof work. Since the camera is a recent European innovation, it is onlynatural that these photographers should be partly influenced by theEuropeans who first brought the camera to India. Three photographers fromthe second half of the 19th century stand out as being particularlyinstrumental to the growth of the field in India – Felice Beato, SamuelBourne and Donald Macfarlane.Felice Beato was one of the world’s first ‘war photographers’. While mostcontemporary war photographers are anti-war, Beato was quite the opposite.One of his best known photographs, made in 1858, is entitled ‘Interior ofthe Secundra Bagh after the Slaughter of the 2,000 Rebels by the 93rdHighlanders and 4th Punjab Regiment. First attack of Sir Colin Campbell inNovember 1857, Lucknow.’ For this set-up photograph, Beato brought in humanskeletons and scattered them across the courtyard in front of thebullet-ridden walls. To add to the air of English glory, he threw in a fewdefeated looking Indian men standing languidly in the background. In hisessay on Beato, David Harris asks, ‘How does one reconcile the serenity andorder of this image with the graphic and repellent descriptions of fourhours of continuous slaughter…?’ Perhaps this is not possible, and one canonly hope that civilizational progress renders some artistic legacies dead(or, in our case, modified into the more benign culture of escapist studiophotography).Macfarlane and Bourne mark the advent of street photography in India. Thephotography historian Jane Ricketts writes that Macfarlane wanted to‘[discover] his personal vision of the picturesque in the superficiallyuninteresting surroundings of Calcutta.’ Indeed, his brilliant abstractionin ‘Rocks, Darjeeling’ and his depiction of neglected beauty in ‘Tolly’sNullah, Calcutta’ are refreshingly democratic and free of colonial hang-ups,reminiscent of Eugene Atget’s serene Paris streetscapes from the late 19thcentury. Bourne too had a fine eye for composition and was quite taken byIndia’s natural beauty. A master of understatement, he went so far as todeclare that the Ganga was a ‘not altogether unpicturesque object.’It took one more European to significantly influence modern Indianphotography – the Belgian master, Henri Cartier-Bresson, who made the firstof his several trips to India just after independence. He coined the term‘decisive moment’, an approach to street photography that would inspiregenerations of photographers across the world. Satyajit Ray described him as‘the greatest photographer of our time’ and attributed to him ‘the skill andvision that raise the ordinary and the ephemeral to a monumental level…’Cartier-Bresson achieved even greater brilliance when photographing eventsthat were themselves monumental – the aftermath of partition and theassassination of Mahatma Gandhi. There is the photograph of Nehru standingperched on the gates of Birla House, announcing to the anxious crowd thatMahatma Gandhi is indeed dead. A diffused light falls on Nehru’s face. Thepicture is slightly shaky. Completely unprepared for this event,Cartier-Bresson has tried to steady his camera by placing it on what lookslike the roof of a car.And in another photograph, we have Nehru in an altogether different mood.Standing between Edwina and Lord Mountbatten, he is doubling over withlaughter, his eyes on Edwina. The photograph is erotica at its finest andmost unexpected. I remember a scene from the documentary Three Women and aCamera, in which the photographer Homai Vyarawalla complains that she doesn’t like this photograph; it is undignified. That it may be, but we shouldthank Cartier-Bresson for allowing our prime minister’s undignified doingsto be fair game for a photographer. More importantly, the image ofCartier-Bresson roaming the streets of India, searching for the decisivemoment in the cities and villages, capturing the tragic optimism ofindependence, is an affirmation for the compatibility of photo-journalism,art, and high emotion in one package.In a country where so much meets the eye, the early practitioners of Indianart photography (working from the ’60s into the ’90s) readily took up wherethe Europeans left off, but this time tackling the ‘street’ on their own, inmore personal, terms. It is only very recently that a new trend towardsabstraction and introspection has emerged. Though it is difficult to make acomprehensive list of prominent names from the last 40-odd years, some thatcome to mind are Sheba Chhachi, Nemai Ghosh, Sunil Gupta, Sunil Janah, SamarJodha, Swapan Parekh, Ram Rahman, Raghu Rai, Sanjeev Saith, Dayanita Singh,Pamela Singh, Raghubir Singh and Homai Vyarawalla. Of these, three who aresure to leave behind strong artistic legacies are Raghu Rai, Dayanita Singhand Raghubir Singh. Not only are they extremely talented photographers, buttheir intimacy with the western art world will ensure that their work liveson in numerous well-produced books.I have heard stories from shopkeepers on Delhi’s Chandni Chowk about aphotographer who is regularly amongst them – sipping tea, making friends,and taking pictures. I like to believe it is Raghu Rai they are talkingabout. Rai is a member of Magnum, the most prominent photojournalisticagency in the world (co-founded by Cartier-Bresson and famous for warphotographers like Robert Capa and, more recently, James Nachtwey and GillesPeress). A large part of Rai’s work is in black and white and, more than anyother Indian, he has made an art out of photo journalism. His black andwhite pictures, which I think are his best, are grainy, full of contrast,and often dark. By doing away with the colour that is so integral to Indianlife, he ends up with sad and surreal landscapes.He has written, ‘People say that a good picture is worth a thousand words; Ifeel at times, a thousand words are a lot of noise, how about capturing somesilence?’ This silence is palpable in his 1965 photograph ‘Outskirts ofDelhi’, shot at dawn, which resembles a sprawling Japanese Zen garden withcows. Rai has extensively photographed old Delhi in all its faded splendourand has also completed portrait projects of both Mother Teresa and IndiraGandhi.Dayanita Singh has taken documentary photography out of the street and intohomes and communities. She had the courage (some say audacity) to photographher upper-middle class relatives and friends sitting smugly in their drawingrooms and looking jadedly into the camera. Her photographs insist that theupper-middle class belong to India as much as anyone else, and as if tostrengthen this claim, she has also built moving photographic collections ofhijras and prostitutes. Her most recent book, Myself Mona Ahmed, comprisesportraits of Mona Ahmed, a eunuch, spanning several years of her life. Byphotographing different classes of people separately and empathetically,Singh effectively highlights the unpleasant social demarcations that plagueIndia today.Raghubir Singh, until his premature death in 1998, was a prolific streetphotographer. He was a professed fan of Cartier-Bresson, but openly defiedhim by using colour. In Singh’s opinion, ‘Unlike those in the West, Indianshave always intuitively seen and controlled colour… The fundamentalcondition of the West is one of guilt, linked to death – from which black isinseparable. Psychological empathy with black is alien to India.’ This maybe an overstatement, but Singh’s photographs are unmistakably buoyed bycolour. His 1994 photograph, ‘Crawford Market, Mumbai’ displays his masteryover the decisive moment – a chaotic colourful marketplace, five strawbaskets balanced on five heads perfectly captured in mid-motion, one mandrinking water from a kettle, and another pouring tea into a cup (thisphotograph bears a striking resemblance to a 1966 shot of Jaipur byCartier-Bresson, and I suspect this may be Singh’s private homage to him).Elsewhere, Singh’s mastery over colour is useful in demonstrating the lackof it, for example, in a shot of a corpulent middle-aged man in a drearyBombay Dyeing office. One characteristic of Singh’s photography that setshim apart (for better or worse) is his framing. The borders of hisphotographs deliberately leave the viewer unsettled. Arms are cut off, neckssliced, and legs broken. Singh refuses to submit to the simple pleasures ofclean geometric framing and uncluttered straight lines.Of the more introspective photographers, I feel it is instructive to mentionSunil Gupta. The London-based photographer has addressed homosexuality inIndia through several collections of photographs. One of his early series,Exiles, contains portraits in quotidian urban settings that potently depictthe resounding clash between homosexuality and the Indian mainstream. Hislater series are more abstract and incorporate montage and multipleexposures. His work indicates an interesting shift in approach from themethods of street/portrait photography to more private musings throughabstraction. While doing so, however, Gupta avoids the trap of self-pity,and his sociological observations are all the stronger for it.John Szarkowski, a well-known photographer and art theorist, writes of ‘afundamental dichotomy in contemporary photography between those who think ofphotography as a means of self-expression and those who think of it as amethod of exploration.’ A cruder way to put it would be to separatephotography into ‘introspective’ and ‘street’. Szarkowski himself admitsthat the boundaries of these categories are blurry and there is definiteoverlap. However, this distinction is useful, especially in the context ofthe maturing and diversifying of photography in India, as it allows us toascribe to each school a set of goals and benchmarks for evaluation.The task that the exploratory photographer sets for himself (rather, shouldset for himself) is not unlike that of the anthropologist. In apersonal/anthropological essay about the Marxists of Bengal, RamachandraGuha describes the three ‘births’ of an anthropologist, an idea heattributes to M. N. Srinivas. A ‘once-born’ anthropologist is eager to learnabout a tribe but is as yet unaccustomed to its ways. A ‘twice-born’anthropologist is one who has immersed herself in the ways of the tribe sheis studying – she sees from its point of view and is loyal to its members.And an anthropologist is ‘thrice-born’ when she is back in the university,ready to dissect what she has learned with an academic but sensitive eye. Atthe end of this three-tiered approach, ‘the allegiance to one’s tribe cannever be entirely abandoned, but now one can at least hope to achievepartial objectivity: the mark of a scholar, as distinct from a partisan.’Such an approach to exploratory, or street, photography will help thephotographer to bypass an ethical dilemma about partisanship discussed bySontag: ‘The history of photography discloses a long tradition ofambivalence about its capacity for partisanship: the taking of sides is feltto undermine its perennial assumption that all subjects have validity andinterest.’ Guha’s approach successfully separates the notions ofpartisanship and empathy.Szarkowski cites Alfred Stieglitz as the model for the introspectivephotographer, but Stieglitz’s approach to photography was arguably moreover-arching. Stieglitz, in the early 20th century, almost single-handedlybrought about a revolution in America’s perception of photography. He arguedeloquently for photography’s role as a vehicle of social change andcampaigned for an appreciation of its unique aesthetic potential. Hisenthusiasm for ‘equivalents’ is part of the reason Szarkowski names him as afather of modern introspective photography. An equivalent, in Stieglitz’swords, is a photograph that evokes feelings ‘about something other than thesubject of the photograph.’ Szarkowski adds that an equivalent is‘fundamentally romantic… and profoundly self-centred.’ Stieglitz’s definingcharacteristic, however, was his obsessive quest for beauty, which he evenimparted to students like Dorothy Norman (best known in India for herdelicate portraits of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi).Guha and Stieglitz help us to establish certain ideals – the first for theexploratory photographer and the second for art photographers in general.Against this backdrop, we can look at the specifics of photography in theIndian environment. Both Raghubir Singh and Raghu Rai have written about thepractice of photography in India. While their photographs betray theirdivergent approaches to street photography, it is also instructive to lookat their writing.Raghubir Singh has unambiguously stated his desire to celebrate the good inIndia, by highlighting what separates it from the West. To him, ‘Beauty,nature, humanism, and spirituality are the four cornerstones of thecontinuous culture of India.’ He writes about his travels across India withthe American photographer Lee Friedlander who ‘was often looking for theabject as subject.’ Singh argues that Friedlander’s approach of ‘beauty asseen in abjection’ is fundamentally western and suits neither him nor India.Raghu Rai, on the other hand, embraces black and white and is willing topaint a considerably grittier picture of India. While most pictures in Singh’s book on Calcutta, for example, are loud and boisterous, the inhabitantsof Rai’s equivalent book frequently look forlorn.Rai has written on the need for artistry and honesty in both art photographyand photojournalism. Like many photojournalists, he asserts that the notionof authorship is out of place in photography: ‘…when I am told that peoplecan distinguish my work from others, it is not very good, because it means Ihave imposed myself on the pictures so that traces of me can be seen.’ Onthis topic, Susan Sontag writes, ‘Insofar as photography is (or should be)about the world, the photographer counts for little, but insofar as it isthe instrument of intrepid, questioning, subjectivity, the photographer isall.’ This is an apt observation.The simple fact of Singh’s rejection of black and white and Rai’s successfuladoption of it asserts some notion of authorship. This is not at odds withRai’s concern for honesty, because honesty can accommodate subjectivity. Soif we are to acknowledge that the photographer must leave a mark on herphotographs, we must simultaneously reject Raghubir Singh’s claim thatcolour is better suited to the Indian psyche. It is the photographer’spsyche that counts. Colour could perhaps be defended on aesthetic grounds,but cannot on psychological grounds. Singh’s criticisms of both Friedlanderand black and white are unconvincing because he focuses more on aphotographer’s inclinations and the final product rather than on thesincerity of the process.Raghubir Singh was, however, correct to caution the Indian photographeragainst blindly aping the standards of the West. In particular, he said thatIndia is not ready for the individualistic introspection that is thetrademark of post-modern art. But this still leaves room for a collectiveintrospection through art, a dose of which the country sorely needs. Aphotographer should operate with the freedom to be pessimistic, the freedomto obsess over the unpleasant and the inhumane. Such an obsession does notindicate an aesthetic compromise.Sebastiao Salgado, the economist-turned-photographer, has spent a lifetimephotographing the world’s poor and dispossessed with an unflinching eye. Hisphotographs are proof that one can beautify sadness without glorifying it,that a photograph can be delectable yet damning. The journalist P. Sainath,who doesn’t consider himself a photographer but is in fact a rather goodone, takes pictures that also achieve this duality.Needless to say, the language of photography is accessible to the literateand illiterate alike. While a painting frequently loses its impact whenreproduced on a page, much less is lost in a good reproduction of aphotograph. So a photograph’s sphere of influence is potentially enormous. Iam sure that the photograph of Govinda in a Rupa ‘Frontline’ vest, asserting‘Yeh aram ka mamla hai’ has inspired many a man to sprint to the nearestbanyan store (myself included). To say that photographs are not capable ofinducing change in society would be to confuse photography with lack ofpublicity.Raghu Rai, for instance, has lamented the reluctance of popular publicationsto print controversial photographs (this problem is significant enough tomerit its own essay, so I shall leave it out of this one). The Govindaadvertisement is easy to publish because it generates no controversy otherthan, perhaps, some tension between those who wear VIP and those who wearRupa. Bengalis still swear by ‘Gopal Genji’, but that is a regional quirk.How can the potentially persuasive power of photographs be harnessed into acollective introspection? By allowing them to do what they do best –celebrate diversity, generate interest in the mundane, create empathy withthe voiceless. It would be foolish to require all photographers to share acommon agenda, but it is reasonable to expect them to be wary of infusingtheir work with an inaccurate optimism. If a photographer sees India’ssaffrons in shades of grey, then let it show in her work. If a photographersees in the spectrum of the population a spectrum of colours, then let thatshow in her work.Just as the English architect Herbert Baker went against Edwin Lutyens andthe prevailing disdain for Indian architecture by insisting on addingchhatris to the secretariat buildings in Delhi, let us hope thatphotographers have the courage to fight some of the prevailing wisdoms ofour times. If they achieve the beauty that Stieglitz envisioned, they arelikely to have an audience. And if the exploratory photographers among themfollow the methods that Guha promotes, then they may even mobilize thisaudience. Photographs are capable of moulding the relationship between anindividual and his society, and might therefore be instrumental inpreventing a society from imploding. At worst, they may shed some light onthe peculiarities of a country where L.K. Advani calmly watches the BabriMasjid going down while his daughter is safe in Paris, studying French.And occasionally, a photographer might find, in an unlikely place, a strandthat unexpectedly weaves through this giant population. Raghubir Singh’sposthumously published book, A Way Into India, does just that. It is a bookof pictures taken from and of the Ambassador car. To conclude, an excerptfrom his introductory essay about the car: ‘It is now a part of India’s longjourney. It is an organic part of bird shit and cow dung-coated India. It isthe good and the bad of India. It is a solid part of India that moves on,even as it falls apart, or lags behind. In its imperfection it is truly anIndian automobile.’

A Shot in Time

A shot in timeKARNA BASUIT is undeniable that photography bears a unique burden – that of accuraterepresentation – separating it from the other arts. One of the first issuesSusan Sontag tackles in her seminal treatise On Photography is ‘thepresumption of veracity that gives all photographs authority, interest,seductiveness.’This burden of veracity weighs more in India than elsewhere and inparticular the developed countries. It stems from India’s crushing povertyand, more recently, unpalatable communal violence. A photographer in Indiacannot, with any degree of comfort, altogether ignore the country he livesin. And this is partly due to the flexibility of the medium itself – thefact that photography facilitates rich relationships between artist andenvironment and between environment and audience.Interestingly, photography shares an important similarity with the saffronbrigade – both thrive on diversity. But unlike the saffron brigade, whichderives its sustenance from combating India’s diversity, when a photographershoots the unfamiliar it is an act of embrace. A photograph finds elementsof interest in the most mundane. It can extract heterogeneity even when itseems there is none available. This is particularly true of artphotography – work that, if commercial or journalistic, is not primarily so.There is, therefore, an urgent need for it to enter the Indian mainstream.Traditionally, many among the steady stream of western photographerstackling India have fallen into the tempting trap of simplistic summarizingrather than incisive exploration. When the Swiss photographer Robert Frankpublished The Americans in 1959, he was commended (and derided) for, amongother reasons, suggesting that a collection of photographs could somehowencompass the essence of a country as varied as the United States. Similarspreads on India do not generate these reactions.There is a plethora of photography books with the simple but arrogant title‘India’, in which the country (and sometimes the subcontinent) is simplifiedinto a ‘sea of smiling faces’ or something of the sort. But Ayodhya is notAhmedabad, and Kashmir is not Kerala. Bengali legend has it that whenAlexander arrived in India through the Himalayas, he scanned the entirecountry with a sweep of his eyes and exclaimed, ‘Satya, Seleucus, kibichitra ei desh! (Honestly, Seleucus, how diverse this country is!)’ IfAlexander’s eyesight is to be trusted, careful studies along geographic andthematic lines must precede ‘definitive’ works on India.On the other hand, the Indian approach to India (through photography andfilm) has frequently rested on escapist fantasy rather than a confrontationwith reality. This in itself does not contradict the goals of art. Take, asan illustration, the studio photographs by Seydou Keita, the Malianphotographer. A quiet unassuming man, he refused to philosophize about hiswork, insisting that his goal was simply to make his clients look theirbest. Yet his beautiful photographs are full of empathy and infuse thefantasies of the photographed with great dignity. This tradition of studiophotography (and similarly, Bollywood cinema) is only natural in countrieslike Mali and India, where people need a diversion from the struggle oftheir daily lives.But such an atmosphere can stifle alternate approaches to the arts – thosethat might fulfil other social functions. Susan Sontag writes of China: ‘Theonly use the Chinese are allowed to make of their history is didactic: theirinterest in history is narrow, moralistic, deforming, uncurious.’ While inChina the government creates the obstacles to art, in India it is thegigantic, influential and homogenous popular culture that does the same.The relative paucity of audience interest, however, has not preventedcontemporary Indian photographers from creating a formidable, if small, bodyof work. Since the camera is a recent European innovation, it is onlynatural that these photographers should be partly influenced by theEuropeans who first brought the camera to India. Three photographers fromthe second half of the 19th century stand out as being particularlyinstrumental to the growth of the field in India – Felice Beato, SamuelBourne and Donald Macfarlane.Felice Beato was one of the world’s first ‘war photographers’. While mostcontemporary war photographers are anti-war, Beato was quite the opposite.One of his best known photographs, made in 1858, is entitled ‘Interior ofthe Secundra Bagh after the Slaughter of the 2,000 Rebels by the 93rdHighlanders and 4th Punjab Regiment. First attack of Sir Colin Campbell inNovember 1857, Lucknow.’ For this set-up photograph, Beato brought in humanskeletons and scattered them across the courtyard in front of thebullet-ridden walls. To add to the air of English glory, he threw in a fewdefeated looking Indian men standing languidly in the background. In hisessay on Beato, David Harris asks, ‘How does one reconcile the serenity andorder of this image with the graphic and repellent descriptions of fourhours of continuous slaughter…?’ Perhaps this is not possible, and one canonly hope that civilizational progress renders some artistic legacies dead(or, in our case, modified into the more benign culture of escapist studiophotography).Macfarlane and Bourne mark the advent of street photography in India. Thephotography historian Jane Ricketts writes that Macfarlane wanted to‘[discover] his personal vision of the picturesque in the superficiallyuninteresting surroundings of Calcutta.’ Indeed, his brilliant abstractionin ‘Rocks, Darjeeling’ and his depiction of neglected beauty in ‘Tolly’sNullah, Calcutta’ are refreshingly democratic and free of colonial hang-ups,reminiscent of Eugene Atget’s serene Paris streetscapes from the late 19thcentury. Bourne too had a fine eye for composition and was quite taken byIndia’s natural beauty. A master of understatement, he went so far as todeclare that the Ganga was a ‘not altogether unpicturesque object.’It took one more European to significantly influence modern Indianphotography – the Belgian master, Henri Cartier-Bresson, who made the firstof his several trips to India just after independence. He coined the term‘decisive moment’, an approach to street photography that would inspiregenerations of photographers across the world. Satyajit Ray described him as‘the greatest photographer of our time’ and attributed to him ‘the skill andvision that raise the ordinary and the ephemeral to a monumental level…’Cartier-Bresson achieved even greater brilliance when photographing eventsthat were themselves monumental – the aftermath of partition and theassassination of Mahatma Gandhi. There is the photograph of Nehru standingperched on the gates of Birla House, announcing to the anxious crowd thatMahatma Gandhi is indeed dead. A diffused light falls on Nehru’s face. Thepicture is slightly shaky. Completely unprepared for this event,Cartier-Bresson has tried to steady his camera by placing it on what lookslike the roof of a car.And in another photograph, we have Nehru in an altogether different mood.Standing between Edwina and Lord Mountbatten, he is doubling over withlaughter, his eyes on Edwina. The photograph is erotica at its finest andmost unexpected. I remember a scene from the documentary Three Women and aCamera, in which the photographer Homai Vyarawalla complains that she doesn’t like this photograph; it is undignified. That it may be, but we shouldthank Cartier-Bresson for allowing our prime minister’s undignified doingsto be fair game for a photographer. More importantly, the image ofCartier-Bresson roaming the streets of India, searching for the decisivemoment in the cities and villages, capturing the tragic optimism ofindependence, is an affirmation for the compatibility of photo-journalism,art, and high emotion in one package.In a country where so much meets the eye, the early practitioners of Indianart photography (working from the ’60s into the ’90s) readily took up wherethe Europeans left off, but this time tackling the ‘street’ on their own, inmore personal, terms. It is only very recently that a new trend towardsabstraction and introspection has emerged. Though it is difficult to make acomprehensive list of prominent names from the last 40-odd years, some thatcome to mind are Sheba Chhachi, Nemai Ghosh, Sunil Gupta, Sunil Janah, SamarJodha, Swapan Parekh, Ram Rahman, Raghu Rai, Sanjeev Saith, Dayanita Singh,Pamela Singh, Raghubir Singh and Homai Vyarawalla. Of these, three who aresure to leave behind strong artistic legacies are Raghu Rai, Dayanita Singhand Raghubir Singh. Not only are they extremely talented photographers, buttheir intimacy with the western art world will ensure that their work liveson in numerous well-produced books.I have heard stories from shopkeepers on Delhi’s Chandni Chowk about aphotographer who is regularly amongst them – sipping tea, making friends,and taking pictures. I like to believe it is Raghu Rai they are talkingabout. Rai is a member of Magnum, the most prominent photojournalisticagency in the world (co-founded by Cartier-Bresson and famous for warphotographers like Robert Capa and, more recently, James Nachtwey and GillesPeress). A large part of Rai’s work is in black and white and, more than anyother Indian, he has made an art out of photo journalism. His black andwhite pictures, which I think are his best, are grainy, full of contrast,and often dark. By doing away with the colour that is so integral to Indianlife, he ends up with sad and surreal landscapes.He has written, ‘People say that a good picture is worth a thousand words; Ifeel at times, a thousand words are a lot of noise, how about capturing somesilence?’ This silence is palpable in his 1965 photograph ‘Outskirts ofDelhi’, shot at dawn, which resembles a sprawling Japanese Zen garden withcows. Rai has extensively photographed old Delhi in all its faded splendourand has also completed portrait projects of both Mother Teresa and IndiraGandhi.Dayanita Singh has taken documentary photography out of the street and intohomes and communities. She had the courage (some say audacity) to photographher upper-middle class relatives and friends sitting smugly in their drawingrooms and looking jadedly into the camera. Her photographs insist that theupper-middle class belong to India as much as anyone else, and as if tostrengthen this claim, she has also built moving photographic collections ofhijras and prostitutes. Her most recent book, Myself Mona Ahmed, comprisesportraits of Mona Ahmed, a eunuch, spanning several years of her life. Byphotographing different classes of people separately and empathetically,Singh effectively highlights the unpleasant social demarcations that plagueIndia today.Raghubir Singh, until his premature death in 1998, was a prolific streetphotographer. He was a professed fan of Cartier-Bresson, but openly defiedhim by using colour. In Singh’s opinion, ‘Unlike those in the West, Indianshave always intuitively seen and controlled colour… The fundamentalcondition of the West is one of guilt, linked to death – from which black isinseparable. Psychological empathy with black is alien to India.’ This maybe an overstatement, but Singh’s photographs are unmistakably buoyed bycolour. His 1994 photograph, ‘Crawford Market, Mumbai’ displays his masteryover the decisive moment – a chaotic colourful marketplace, five strawbaskets balanced on five heads perfectly captured in mid-motion, one mandrinking water from a kettle, and another pouring tea into a cup (thisphotograph bears a striking resemblance to a 1966 shot of Jaipur byCartier-Bresson, and I suspect this may be Singh’s private homage to him).Elsewhere, Singh’s mastery over colour is useful in demonstrating the lackof it, for example, in a shot of a corpulent middle-aged man in a drearyBombay Dyeing office. One characteristic of Singh’s photography that setshim apart (for better or worse) is his framing. The borders of hisphotographs deliberately leave the viewer unsettled. Arms are cut off, neckssliced, and legs broken. Singh refuses to submit to the simple pleasures ofclean geometric framing and uncluttered straight lines.Of the more introspective photographers, I feel it is instructive to mentionSunil Gupta. The London-based photographer has addressed homosexuality inIndia through several collections of photographs. One of his early series,Exiles, contains portraits in quotidian urban settings that potently depictthe resounding clash between homosexuality and the Indian mainstream. Hislater series are more abstract and incorporate montage and multipleexposures. His work indicates an interesting shift in approach from themethods of street/portrait photography to more private musings throughabstraction. While doing so, however, Gupta avoids the trap of self-pity,and his sociological observations are all the stronger for it.John Szarkowski, a well-known photographer and art theorist, writes of ‘afundamental dichotomy in contemporary photography between those who think ofphotography as a means of self-expression and those who think of it as amethod of exploration.’ A cruder way to put it would be to separatephotography into ‘introspective’ and ‘street’. Szarkowski himself admitsthat the boundaries of these categories are blurry and there is definiteoverlap. However, this distinction is useful, especially in the context ofthe maturing and diversifying of photography in India, as it allows us toascribe to each school a set of goals and benchmarks for evaluation.The task that the exploratory photographer sets for himself (rather, shouldset for himself) is not unlike that of the anthropologist. In apersonal/anthropological essay about the Marxists of Bengal, RamachandraGuha describes the three ‘births’ of an anthropologist, an idea heattributes to M. N. Srinivas. A ‘once-born’ anthropologist is eager to learnabout a tribe but is as yet unaccustomed to its ways. A ‘twice-born’anthropologist is one who has immersed herself in the ways of the tribe sheis studying – she sees from its point of view and is loyal to its members.And an anthropologist is ‘thrice-born’ when she is back in the university,ready to dissect what she has learned with an academic but sensitive eye. Atthe end of this three-tiered approach, ‘the allegiance to one’s tribe cannever be entirely abandoned, but now one can at least hope to achievepartial objectivity: the mark of a scholar, as distinct from a partisan.’Such an approach to exploratory, or street, photography will help thephotographer to bypass an ethical dilemma about partisanship discussed bySontag: ‘The history of photography discloses a long tradition ofambivalence about its capacity for partisanship: the taking of sides is feltto undermine its perennial assumption that all subjects have validity andinterest.’ Guha’s approach successfully separates the notions ofpartisanship and empathy.Szarkowski cites Alfred Stieglitz as the model for the introspectivephotographer, but Stieglitz’s approach to photography was arguably moreover-arching. Stieglitz, in the early 20th century, almost single-handedlybrought about a revolution in America’s perception of photography. He arguedeloquently for photography’s role as a vehicle of social change andcampaigned for an appreciation of its unique aesthetic potential. Hisenthusiasm for ‘equivalents’ is part of the reason Szarkowski names him as afather of modern introspective photography. An equivalent, in Stieglitz’swords, is a photograph that evokes feelings ‘about something other than thesubject of the photograph.’ Szarkowski adds that an equivalent is‘fundamentally romantic… and profoundly self-centred.’ Stieglitz’s definingcharacteristic, however, was his obsessive quest for beauty, which he evenimparted to students like Dorothy Norman (best known in India for herdelicate portraits of Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi).Guha and Stieglitz help us to establish certain ideals – the first for theexploratory photographer and the second for art photographers in general.Against this backdrop, we can look at the specifics of photography in theIndian environment. Both Raghubir Singh and Raghu Rai have written about thepractice of photography in India. While their photographs betray theirdivergent approaches to street photography, it is also instructive to lookat their writing.Raghubir Singh has unambiguously stated his desire to celebrate the good inIndia, by highlighting what separates it from the West. To him, ‘Beauty,nature, humanism, and spirituality are the four cornerstones of thecontinuous culture of India.’ He writes about his travels across India withthe American photographer Lee Friedlander who ‘was often looking for theabject as subject.’ Singh argues that Friedlander’s approach of ‘beauty asseen in abjection’ is fundamentally western and suits neither him nor India.Raghu Rai, on the other hand, embraces black and white and is willing topaint a considerably grittier picture of India. While most pictures in Singh’s book on Calcutta, for example, are loud and boisterous, the inhabitantsof Rai’s equivalent book frequently look forlorn.Rai has written on the need for artistry and honesty in both art photographyand photojournalism. Like many photojournalists, he asserts that the notionof authorship is out of place in photography: ‘…when I am told that peoplecan distinguish my work from others, it is not very good, because it means Ihave imposed myself on the pictures so that traces of me can be seen.’ Onthis topic, Susan Sontag writes, ‘Insofar as photography is (or should be)about the world, the photographer counts for little, but insofar as it isthe instrument of intrepid, questioning, subjectivity, the photographer isall.’ This is an apt observation.The simple fact of Singh’s rejection of black and white and Rai’s successfuladoption of it asserts some notion of authorship. This is not at odds withRai’s concern for honesty, because honesty can accommodate subjectivity. Soif we are to acknowledge that the photographer must leave a mark on herphotographs, we must simultaneously reject Raghubir Singh’s claim thatcolour is better suited to the Indian psyche. It is the photographer’spsyche that counts. Colour could perhaps be defended on aesthetic grounds,but cannot on psychological grounds. Singh’s criticisms of both Friedlanderand black and white are unconvincing because he focuses more on aphotographer’s inclinations and the final product rather than on thesincerity of the process.Raghubir Singh was, however, correct to caution the Indian photographeragainst blindly aping the standards of the West. In particular, he said thatIndia is not ready for the individualistic introspection that is thetrademark of post-modern art. But this still leaves room for a collectiveintrospection through art, a dose of which the country sorely needs. Aphotographer should operate with the freedom to be pessimistic, the freedomto obsess over the unpleasant and the inhumane. Such an obsession does notindicate an aesthetic compromise.Sebastiao Salgado, the economist-turned-photographer, has spent a lifetimephotographing the world’s poor and dispossessed with an unflinching eye. Hisphotographs are proof that one can beautify sadness without glorifying it,that a photograph can be delectable yet damning. The journalist P. Sainath,who doesn’t consider himself a photographer but is in fact a rather goodone, takes pictures that also achieve this duality.Needless to say, the language of photography is accessible to the literateand illiterate alike. While a painting frequently loses its impact whenreproduced on a page, much less is lost in a good reproduction of aphotograph. So a photograph’s sphere of influence is potentially enormous. Iam sure that the photograph of Govinda in a Rupa ‘Frontline’ vest, asserting‘Yeh aram ka mamla hai’ has inspired many a man to sprint to the nearestbanyan store (myself included). To say that photographs are not capable ofinducing change in society would be to confuse photography with lack ofpublicity.Raghu Rai, for instance, has lamented the reluctance of popular publicationsto print controversial photographs (this problem is significant enough tomerit its own essay, so I shall leave it out of this one). The Govindaadvertisement is easy to publish because it generates no controversy otherthan, perhaps, some tension between those who wear VIP and those who wearRupa. Bengalis still swear by ‘Gopal Genji’, but that is a regional quirk.How can the potentially persuasive power of photographs be harnessed into acollective introspection? By allowing them to do what they do best –celebrate diversity, generate interest in the mundane, create empathy withthe voiceless. It would be foolish to require all photographers to share acommon agenda, but it is reasonable to expect them to be wary of infusingtheir work with an inaccurate optimism. If a photographer sees India’ssaffrons in shades of grey, then let it show in her work. If a photographersees in the spectrum of the population a spectrum of colours, then let thatshow in her work.Just as the English architect Herbert Baker went against Edwin Lutyens andthe prevailing disdain for Indian architecture by insisting on addingchhatris to the secretariat buildings in Delhi, let us hope thatphotographers have the courage to fight some of the prevailing wisdoms ofour times. If they achieve the beauty that Stieglitz envisioned, they arelikely to have an audience. And if the exploratory photographers among themfollow the methods that Guha promotes, then they may even mobilize thisaudience. Photographs are capable of moulding the relationship between anindividual and his society, and might therefore be instrumental inpreventing a society from imploding. At worst, they may shed some light onthe peculiarities of a country where L.K. Advani calmly watches the BabriMasjid going down while his daughter is safe in Paris, studying French.And occasionally, a photographer might find, in an unlikely place, a strandthat unexpectedly weaves through this giant population. Raghubir Singh’sposthumously published book, A Way Into India, does just that. It is a bookof pictures taken from and of the Ambassador car. To conclude, an excerptfrom his introductory essay about the car: ‘It is now a part of India’s longjourney. It is an organic part of bird shit and cow dung-coated India. It isthe good and the bad of India. It is a solid part of India that moves on,even as it falls apart, or lags behind. In its imperfection it is truly anIndian automobile.’

Sunday, March 13, 2005

StrunkenWhite

The Strunkenwhite Virus
A new computer virus is spreading throughout the Internet, and it is far more insidious than last week's Chernobyl menace. Named Strunkenwhite after the authors of a classic guide to writing, it returns e-mail messages that have grammatical or spelling errors. It is deadly accurate in its detection abilities, unlike the dubious spell checkers that come with word processing programs.
The virus is causing something akin to panic throughout corporate America, which has become used to the typos, misspellings, missing words and mangled syntax so acceptable in cyberspace. The CEO of LoseItAll.com, an Internet startup, said the virus has rendered him helpless. "Each time I tried to send one particular e-mail this morning, I got back this error message: 'Your dependent clause preceding your independent clause must be set off by commas, but one must not precede the conjunction.' I threw my laptop across the room."
A top executive at a telecommunications and long-distance company, 10-10-10-10-10-10-123, said: "This morning, the same damned e-mail kept coming back to me with a pesky notation claiming I needed to use a pronoun's possessive case before a gerund. With the number of e-mails I crank out each day, who has time for proper grammar? Whoever created this virus should have their programming fingers broken."
A broker at Begg, Barow and Steel said he couldn't return to the "bad, old" days when he had to send paper memos in proper English. He speculated that the hacker who created Strunkenwhite was a "disgruntled English major who couldn't make it on a trading floor. When you're buying and selling on margin, I don't think it's anybody's business if I write that 'i meetinged through the morning, then cinched the deal on the cel phone while bareling down the xway.' "
If Strunkenwhite makes e-mailing impossible, it could mean the end to a communication revolution once hailed as a significant timesaver. A study of 1,254 office workers in Leonia, N.J., found that e-mail increased employees' productivity by 1.8 hours a day because they took less time to formulate their thoughts. (The same study also found that they lost 2.2 hours of productivity because they were e-mailing so many jokes to their spouses, parents, and stockbrokers.)
Strunkenwhite is particularly difficult to detect because it doesn't come as an e-mail attachment (which requires the recipient to open it before it becomes active). Instead, it is disguised within the text of an e-mail entitled "Congratulations on your pay raise." The message asks the recipient to "click here to find out about how your raise effects your pension." The use of "effects" rather than the grammatically correct "affects" appears to be an inside joke from Strunkenwhite's mischievous creator.
The virus also has left government e-mail systems in disarray. Officials at the Office of Management and Budget can no longer transmit electronic versions of federal regulations because their highly technical language seems to run afoul of Strunkenwhite's dictum that "vigorous writing is concise." The White House speechwriting office reported that it had received the same message, along with a caution to avoid phrases such as "the truth is... " and "in fact...."
Home computer users also are reporting snafus, although an e-mailer who used the word "snafu" said she had come to regret it. The virus can have an even more devastating impact if it infects an entire network. A cable news operation was forced to shut down its computer system for several hours when it discovered that Strunkenwhite had somehow infiltrated its TelePrompTer software, delaying newscasts and leaving news anchors nearly tongue-tied as they wrestled with proper sentence structure.
There is concern among law enforcement officials that Strunkenwhite is a harbinger of the increasingly sophisticated methods hackers are using to exploit the vulnerability of business's reliance on computers.
"This is one of the most complex and invasive examples of computer code we have ever encountered. We just can't imagine what kind of devious mind would want to tamper with e-mails to create this burden on communications," said an FBI agent who insisted on speaking via the telephone out of concern that trying to e-mail his comments could leave him tied up for hours.

Thursday, March 10, 2005

Newspaper Readership

1. The Wall Street Journal is read by the people who run the country.
2. The Washington Post is read by people who think they run the country.
3. The New York Times is read by people who think they should run the country and who are very good at crossword puzzles.
4. USA Today is read by people who think they ought to run the country but don't really understand The New York Times. They do, however, like their statistics shown in pie charts.
5. The Los Angeles Times is read by people who wouldn't mind running the country -- if they could find the time -- and if they didn't have to leave Southern California to do it.
6. The Boston Globe is read by people whose parents used to run the country and did a far superior job of it, thank you very much.
7. The New York Daily News is read by people who aren't too sure who's running the country and don't really care as long as they can get a seat on the train.
8. The New York Post is read by people who don't care who's running the country as long as they do something really scandalous, preferably while intoxicated.
9. The Miami Herald is read by people who are running another country but need the baseball scores.
10. The San Francisco Chronicle is read by people who aren't sure there is a country ... or that anyone is running it; but if so, they oppose all that they stand for. There are occasional exceptions if the leaders are handicapped minority feminist atheist dwarfs who also happen to be illegal aliens from any other country or galaxy provided, of course, that they are not Republicans.
11. The National Enquirer is read by people trapped in line at the grocery store.
12. None of these is read by the guy who is running the country into the ground.
13. The Missoulian is read by those living in Montana which is ignored by practically everyone in power.

EuorEnglish

EuroEnglishhttp://www.icw-net.com/howto/funstuff/euroengl.htm

The European Commission has just announced an agreement whereby English willbe the official language of the EU rather than German, which was the otherpossibility. As part of the negotiations, Her Majesty's Government concededthat English spelling had some room for improvement and has accepted a 5year phase-in plan that would be known as "EuroEnglish": --

In the first year, "s" will replace the soft "c".. Sertainly, this will makethe sivil sevants jump with joy. The hard "c" will be dropped in favor ofthe "k". This should klear up konfusion and keyboards kan have one lessletter.

There will be growing publik enthusiasm in the sekond year, when thetroublesome "ph" will be replaced with the "f". This will make words like"fotograf" 20% shorter.

In the 3rd year, publik akseptanse of the new spelling kan be expekted toreach the stage where more komplikated changes are possible. Governmentswill enkorage the removal of double letters, which have always ben adeterent to akurate speling. Also, al wil agre that the horible mes of thesilent "e"'s in the language is disgraceful, and they should go away.

By the 4th yar, peopl wil be reseptiv to steps such as replasing "th" with"z" and "w" with "v". During ze fifz year, ze unesesary "o" kan be dropdfrom vords kontaning "ou" and similar changes vud of kors be aplid to ozerkombinations of leters.

After zis fifz yer, ve vil hav a reli sensibl riten styl. Zer vil be no mortrubls or difikultis and evrivun vil find it ezi tu understand ech ozer.

ZE DREM VIL FINALI KUM TRU!!

My Truth Bagdad

Media

My truth (La mia verità)

By Giuliana SgrenaTranslated by Eva Milan, ZabrinskyPoint

March 6, 2005 (from Il Manifesto)—I am still in the darkness. Last Friday was the most dramatic day of my life since I was abducted.

I had just spoken with my abductors, who for days kept telling me I would be released. So I was living in wait. They said things that I would understand only later. They talked of transfer related problems. I had learned to understand which way the wind blew from the attitude of my two "sentinels," the two fellows who watched over me every day—especially one of them, who attended to my requests, was incredibly bold. In the attempt to understand what was going on, I provocatively asked him if he was happy because I would go away or because I would stay. I was surprised and happy when, for the first time, he told me, "I only know you will go, but I don't know when."

To confirm that something new was happening, at one point they both came in the room to reassure me and joke: "Congratulations," they said, "you are leaving for Rome." To Rome, that's what they were saying.

I had a weird feeling, because that word immediately evoked liberation but also projected a void inside myself. I realized it was the most difficult moment of my abduction and that if all I had lived yet was certain, now an abyss of heavy uncertainties was widening. I changed my clothes.

They came back: "We'll escort you, but don't give signals of your presence, otherwise the Americans might intervene." That was not what wanted to hear. It was the happiest and also the most dangerous moment. If we ran into someone, meaning American troops, there would be an exchange of fire, and my captors were ready and they would have responded. I had to have my eyes covered. I was already getting used to a temporary blindness.

About what happened outside, I only knew that in Baghdad it had rained. The car ran safely in a muddy area. There was the driver and the same old abductors. I soon heard something I didn't want to hear. A helicopter flying low over the area we had stopped in. "Don't worry, now they will come look for you . . . within ten minutes they will come." They had spoken Arabic all the time, some French and much broken English. Now they spoke in this way, too.

Then they got out of the car. I stayed in that condition of immobility and blindness. My eyes were stuffed with cotton, and covered by sunglasses. I was motionless. I thought . . . what do I do? Should I start counting the passing seconds to another condition, the one of freedom? I had just started counting when I heard a friendly voice: "Giuliana, Giuliana, this is Nicola, don't worry, I've talked to Gabriele Polo, don't worry, you're free."

He took my cotton blindfold and sunglasses off. I felt relieved, not for what was going on, which I didn't understand, but for Nicola's words. He kept talking nonstop, he was uncontainable, a flood of friendly words and jokes. I finally found comfort, almost physically, a warm comfort I had long since forgotten.

The car proceeded on its way, through an underpass full of puddles, almost skidding to avoid them. We engaged in incredible laughter. It was relieving. Skidding along a road full of water in Baghdad and maybe have a bad car crash after all I had experienced would not be really explainable. Nicola Calipari sat by my side. The driver had notified the embassy and Italy twice that we were heading to the airport, which I knew was controlled by the American troops. It was less than one kilometre, they told me . . . when. . . . I remember only fire. At that point a rain of fire and bullets came at us, forever silencing the happy voices from a few minutes earlier.

The driver started shouting we were Italians, "We are Italians! We are Italians . . ." Nicola Calipari dove on top of me to protect me and immediately, and I mean immediately, I felt his last breath as he died on me. I must have felt physical pain, I didn't know why. But I had a sudden thought: I recalled my abductors' words. They said they were deeply committed to releasing me, but that I had to be careful because "the Americans don't want you to return." Back then, as soon as they had said that, I had judged their words to be meaningless and ideological. In that moment such words risked to take the taste of the most bitter truth away. I can't tell the rest yet.

This was the most dramatic moment. But the month I spent as a kidnap victim has probably changed my life forever. One month alone with myself, prisoner of my deepest belief. Each hour was a pitiless test of my work. Sometimes they kidded me. They even asked me why I would leave and asked me to stay. I pointed out that I had personal relationships. They led me to think to such priorities that too often we put aside.

"Ask for your husband's help," they told me. And I did so in the first video, the one I think you all have watched. My life has changed. Same as Ra'ad Ali Abdulaziz's, the Iraqi engineer from "Un Ponte per" who was abducted with Simona & Simona. "My life is no longer the same," he told me. I didn't understand. Now I know what he meant. Because I have experienced the hardness of the truth, I realize the difficulty of communicating it, and the weakness of trying to.

In the first days of my abduction I didn't shed a single tear. I was simply mad. I told them directly: "How can you abduct me, if I am against the war?" And they started a fierce debate. "Yes, because you want to speak to the people, we would never abduct a reporter who stays shut in the hotel. And then the fact you say you're against the war could be a cover up." I would reply, almost provoking them: "It's easy to abduct a weak woman like me, why don't you do it to the American officers?" I insisted that they couldn't ask the Italian government to withdraw its troops; that they had to address the Italian people who were and are against the war, not Italian government.

It was a month of ups and downs, moments of hope and moments of deep depression. Like when the first Sunday after my abduction, in the Baghdad house where I was prisoner and where there was a satellite television dish, they let me see the EuroNews. I saw my poster on the Rome city hall building. I was relieved. Soon after, however, a claim from the Jihad announced I would be executed if Italy didn't withdraw its troops. I was frightened. But they reassured me that it wasn't them, that people should have mistrusted those proclamations, that they were a "provocation." I often asked the one who seemed more approachable and who looked more like a soldier: "Tell me the truth, you will kill me". Nonetheless, many times, we talked. "Come see a movie on TV," they told me, while a Wahhabi woman, covered from head to foot, hung around the house taking care of me.

The abductors seemed a very religious group, constantly praying the Koran verses. But on Friday, at the time of my release, the one who seemed the most religious and who used to wake up at 5 o'clock every morning to pray, "congratulated" me and incredibly shook my hand—it is not a usual behaviour for an Islamic fundamentalist—adding "If you behave, you'll leave soon." That was followed by a rather humorous episode. One of my two guards came to me astonished because the TV showed my photographs displayed in European towns and also on Totti. Yes, Totti (the Rome football team player, T.N.). The guard said he said he was a Rome team fan and he was amazed that his favourite player had taken to field with "Free Giuliana" on his T-shirt.

I now live with no more certainties. I find myself deeply weak. I failed in my belief. I had always claimed there was need to go tell about that dirty war. And I had to decide whether to stay in the hotel or going out and chance being abducted because of my work. "We don't want anyone any more," the abductors told me. But I wanted to tell about the bloodbath in Falluja through the refugees' tales. And that morning the refugees and some of their "leaders" didn't listen to me. I had in front of me the evidence of what the Iraqi society has become with the war and they threw their truth in my face: "We don't want anyone. Why don't you stay home? What such interview can be useful for?". The worst collateral damage, the war killing communication, was falling on me. On me, who had risked it all, challenging the Italian government that didn't want reporters gong to Iraq, and the Americans who don't want our work that gives witness to what that country has really turned into with the war, despite what they call elections.

Now I wonder. Is their refusal a failure?

Wednesday, March 09, 2005

Newspaper Readership

Subject: Newspapers
1. The Wall Street Journal is read by the people who run the country. 2. The Washington Post is read by people who think they run the country. 3. The New York Times is read by people who think they should run the country and who are very good at crossword puzzles. 4. USA Today is read by people who think they ought to run the country but don't really understand The New York Times. They do, however, like their statistics shown in pie charts. 5. The Los Angeles Times is read by people who wouldn't mind running the country -- if they could find the time -- and if they didn't have to leave Southern California to do it. 6. The Boston Globe is read by people whose parents used to run the country and did a far superior job of it, thank you very much. 7. The New York Daily News is read by people who aren't too sure who's running the country and don't really care as long as they can get a seat on the train. 8. The New York Post is read by people who don't care who's running the country as long as they do something really scandalous, preferably while intoxicated. 9. The Miami Herald is read by people who are running another country but need the baseball scores. 10. The San Francisco Chronicle is read by people who aren't sure there is a country ... or that anyone is running it; but if so, they oppose all that they stand for. There are occasional exceptions if the leaders are handicapped minority feminist atheist dwarfs who also happen to be illegal aliens from any other country or galaxy provided, of course, that they are not Republicans. 11. The National Enquirer is read by people trapped in line at the grocery store. 12. None of these is read by the guy who is running the country into the ground.
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Campaign to stop Funding Hate

Saffron Dollar January-February 2005Campaign to Stop Funding HateMarch 3, 2005[Now on the web at: http://stopfundinghate.org/resources/Saff$/]

Friends,

It has now been ten weeks since the tsunami disaster- while the media has movedon from this disaster to the next news item, people affected by the tsunami arestill trying to piece their lives together. Not only are they dealing with theinefficiency of state agencies but also the sectarian zeal of communal groups.The first two reports present a follow up of tsunami relief efforts. The thirdreport concerns Indicorps, an organization that provides young Indian-Americansthe opportunity to spend time in India on 'development' projects. We report ona conference held at Yale University, where questions about Indicorps'affiliation with the Sangh came up.

Urgent Action Alert!

The Asian American Hotel Owners Association (AAHOA) has invited Narendra ModiasChief Guest at its annual convention on March 24, 2005. As Chief Minister ofGujarat, Modi's complicity in the 2002 Gujarat pogroms is well known. TheCoalition Against Genocide is an effort to protest this attempt to clean upModi's 'public image' by AAHOA and its allied organizations. Please visit thecoalition's website at http://coalitionagainstgenocide.org for details and signits online petition at http://www.coalitionagainstgenocide.org/petition.php As always, we welcome feedback and questions- please feel free to write to us atinfo@stopfundinghate.org.

1) Post-Tsunami Report

Ten weeks have passed since a tsunami hit the coastlines of ten countries inAsia and Africa. The official count of the dead stands at nearly 300,000 withtens of thousands more who will never be accounted for.

The news is no longer on the front-page and not unexpectedly, the large sums ofmoney pledged for relief and rehabilitation by the rich nations have remainedjust that; pledges, with no sign of actual moneys being transferred.

The local governments haven't done any better. Indonesia is using the tragedyto push its agenda of eliminating the so-called insurgency in the Aceh, the SriLankan government also appears to have missed the small window of peace withthe LTTE that had opened in the immediate aftermath of the tragedy, and inIndia, the planned rehabilitation work in Tamil Nadu has somehow mutated into're-development' with the World Bank and the IMF stepping in.

But the people whose lives were shattered do not have the luxury of being ableto shift their priorities; they have to get on with the task of rebuildingtheir lives. So, all of you who were so generous with your time and with yourmoney, please do not stop. The needs on the ground are long-term and theresources required are enormous. Please continue to support the rehabilitationwork in all of the affected countries. Some of the organizations working inIndia that we have recommended before are the Tamil Nadu Science Forum, theNational Fishworkers Forum, Vidyarambam, APVVU (agricultural workers' union inAP), People's Watch and Bhoomika Trust. All of these organizations have along history of working closely with affected communities and a reputation forcomplete transparency and accountability.

At the same time, we also remind you that communal groups are also out in fullforce in the tsunami-hit areas, using the tragedy to establish themselves inthe affected communities. It happened following the Latur earthquake in 1993,it happened in the wake of the Orissa cyclone in 1999, and it happened againwhen the massive earthquake shook Gujarat in 2001. Not only do these groups,the RSS and its affiliates being the worst offenders, disburse relief unequallyamong various communities, but they cause fractures in the communities alonglines of caste and religion.

So we urge you to not turn off your generosity, but do continue to be vigilantto ensure that this immense tragedy does not provide another opportunity forcommunal groups to gain foothold in a plural society. For further informationon organizations, please visit our website (www.stopfundinghate.org).

2) Tsunami Relief, Dalits and marginalized coastal communities

While the Tsunami disaster brought untold death and destruction to hundreds ofthousands across the Indian Ocean Basin, some institutions have survivedintact, and are still at work. Varnashrama Dharma has survived the Tsunami andis continuing to wreak havoc on the lives of Dalit survivors through thecallous, mean and absolutely reprehensible actions of some individuals andgroups ostensibly conducting relief operations. Even while the scale of thetragedy motivates thousands of ordinary people to commit acts of tremendousgenerosity and compassion across religious and caste lines, why are othersstill shackled by the unjust demands of caste tyranny? Widespread reports ofrelief being denied to Dalit communities and overt discrimination againstDalits in the relief process are pouring in. The following news stories andreports offer a glimpse of the immense challenge facing Dalit communities inthe affected region, who have had to deal with both the cataclysm of theTsunami, and the ever-enduring tyranny of caste Hinduism.

Another disturbing aspect of the Tsunami relief operations is the purportedefforts of the Tamil Nadu government in tandem with elite local and globalinterests to use the tragedy to impose a permanent dislocation of thetraditionally marginalized fishing communities throughout coastal Tamil Nadu. This heinous effort taken together with the continued discrimination of Dalitsrepresents a stunning failure of India's state and civil society institutionsto ensure the safety, wellbeing and dignified livelihoods of millions of Dalitsand the marginalized fishing communities of coastal India. We condemn thebarbaric persistence of anti-Dalit social institutions and practices, and callon all well-intentioned people to apply the necessary pressure on state andcivil institutions conducting relief to cease and desist from such tyrannicalefforts as enforced displacement. Relief should neither be used as an excuseto consolidate the Hindutvadi menace, nor for the continuation of caste tyrannyand outright class war against the poor victims of the Tsunami. The parasiticforces of society, whether Hindutvadi fascists, entrenched defenders ofBrahmanical caste tyranny, or opportunistic predatory agents of local andglobal economic interests, should be opposed with the same intensity by allthose who value secularism, democracy and social justice.

For more information, please see the following reports:Shunned, these Dalits gather tsunami dead, Indian Express (January 03, 2005)http://www.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=40270

Tsunami can't wash this away: hatred for Dalits, Indian Express (January 07,2005)http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=62212

Dalits Fight Tsunami Daily, Udit Raj (January 13, 2005)http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-uditraj130105.htm

Dark Clouds: A new Government order to scatter Tsu! nami survivors in TamilNaduby Babu Mathew (January 16, 2005)http://www.sacw.net/Nation/BabuMathew16Jan05.pdf

3) Indicorps and its Sangh affiliations

The South Asian Conference Council (SACC) at Yale University organized aconference on solidarity in the South Asian community. The objective was toincrease social activism in the South Asian student community. The conferenceincluded panels on youth activism and workers rights and brought together somevery progressive activists in the community (such as Nahar Alam from Andolan,Saru Jayaraman from Restaurant opportunities Center of New York, ChandraBhatnagar from the ACLU to mention a few). In conflict with this progressivelist of speakers, the organizers also invited Sonal Shah, vice president ofGoldman Sachs and co-founder of Indicorps. According to their website,"Indicorps is a non-partisan, non-religious, non-profit organization thatencourages Indians around! the world to actively participate in India'sprogress." While some of the organizations that Indicorps works with are indeedsecular and progressive, at issue was their affiliation with organizations ofthe Sangh parivar. These connections range from personal affiliation of SonalShah with the VHP-A (seehttp://www.vhp-america.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=13),institutional affiliation of Indicorps with IDRF (IDRF is one of Indicorps'supporters; seehttp://www.indicorps.org/index.cfm?function=supporters&level=1), Indicorps'involvement with Sangh parivar projects such as Ekal Vidyalaya (seehttp://www.indicorps.org/index.cfm?function=partners&level=1). Perhaps mostquestionable was Indicorps' decision to accept an award from the "butcher ofGujarat" Narendra Modi in November 2004, at a time when numerous human rightsactivists have been threatened from continuing their work(http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/asia/india/gujarat/).

The conference organizers allowed a couple of progressive youth collectives(Organizing Youth! and Youth Solidarity Summer) to read a statement and askIndicorps to explain their association with the Sangh Parivar. Far fromexplaining, Sonal Shah admitted her affiliation to the VHP-A, claimed that shewould take money from anyone (including the KKK!), and used a young Muslimvolunteer to claim that Indicorps was in fact secular. Such is not the kind ofsolidarity that one expects from a non-partisan, non-religious organization. Infact, based on the evidence and Sonal Shah's admission, Indicorps can be listedas one of many front organizations of the Sangh parivar in the US. Soon afterthis public discussion, the Patriotic Sons of Mother India (a virulent Sanghoutfit) posted a defence of Indicorps by attempting to defame Youth SolidaritySummer as anti-India and anti-Hindu- typical reaction from the Sangh for one oftheir own!

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Tuesday, March 08, 2005

Flawed Teaching of History A Crises

COMMENTARYA History of Flawed Teaching By Sam Wineburg, author of "Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts" (Temple University Press, 2001), is a professor in Stanford's School of Education.

Imagine this: Nearly a third of the students who apply to Stanford's master's in teaching program to become history teachers have never taken a single college course in history. Outrageous? Yes, but it's part of a well-established national pattern. Among high school history teachers across the country, only 18% have majored (or even minored) in the subject they now teach.

I don't doubt the dedication of these people. The application statements I read at Stanford shine with a commitment that renews one's faith in the passion of today's youth. And nearly every one of these young people is willing to forsake a more lucrative career — in law, medicine, business — to pursue teaching.

But how can you teach what you don't know? Would someone who wanted to teach calculus dare to submit a transcript with no math courses? Would a prospective chemistry teacher come to us with a record devoid of science? Yet with history, the theory goes, all you need is a big heart and a thick book.

The state of California encourages this state of affairs. Although it requires teachers to earn a rigorous teaching credential before they may teach math, English, biology or chemistry in the public school system, there is no such credential for history. Instead, the state hands out a loosey-goosey "social science" credential.

To qualify to teach history in California (and in many other states), you can possess a major in almost anything — anthropology, psychology, ethnic studies. All you've got to do is earn the "social science" credential and pass a multiple-choice exam of historical facts. But a storehouse of facts is the beginning, not the end, of historical understanding.

History courses made up of all facts and no interpretation are guaranteed to put kids to sleep. And that's exactly what seems to be happening. In a national survey some years ago, 1,500 Americans were asked to "pick one word or phrase to describe your experience with history classes in elementary or high school." "Boring" was the most frequent answer.

It should be obvious why this is. I don't care how much you know about child psychology or cultural anthropology, when you have to teach the Marshall Plan, the partition of India or the bombing of Hiroshima, you will be no more than a brittle pedagogue if you have no choice but to obey the textbook. History engages students only when their teachers possess deep knowledge; when they don't, history has the vitality of sawdust.

History comes alive when viewed as a patterned story open to ongoing debate. Did Truman drop the bomb because he wanted to save American lives, as a typical textbook claims, or because he sought to intimidate the Soviet Union and dissuade it from pursuing territorial expansion?

The shopworn saying that a good teacher needs only to stay a chapter ahead of students is widely believed — but patently false. History is about how events in one age sow the seeds for what happens next. Good teachers foreshadow later lessons when teaching earlier ones — by helping students see, for instance, that the configuration of power left in the wake of World War II would eventually erupt as the Korean War. History is just a random mess to those who remain a chapter ahead.

Lack of knowledge encourages another bad habit among history teachers: a tendency to disparage "facts," an eagerness to unshackle students from the "dominant discourse" — and to teach them, instead, what the teacher views as "the Truth." What's scary is the certainty with which this "Truth" is often held. Rather than debating why the United States entered Vietnam or signed the North American Free Trade Agreement or brokered a Camp David accord, all roads lead to the same point: our government's desire to oppress the less powerful. It is a version of history that conjures up a North Korean reeducation camp rather than a democratic classroom.

We're in an age when states are tripping over each other to beef up standards for students. But how can we expect students to attain high standards when we set the bar so low for teachers?

http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-oe-wineburg24feb24,1,5937687.story?ctrack=1&cset=true

US Support of Global Agreement?

Urge the US to Fully Support Global Agreement on Women’s Rights!!This week and next in New York at a meeting of the Commission on the Statusof Women, the global community is working to reaffirm The Program of Actionthat was agreed upon during the United Nations’ IV World Conference on Womenheld in Beijing in 1995 (commonly called “Beijing”). This reaffirmation iscritical to mobilizing the necessary resources and establishing theappropriate policies, programs, and services to help women and girls developtheir full potential, free from violence and discrimination.Unfortunately, the representatives of the United States appointed by theBush Administration are attempting to undermine Beijing by introducingamendments designed to curtail sexual and reproductive rights and health.Attacking Beijing threatens the advancements that women from all over theworld, including the United States of America, have experienced in recentdecades. Despite this progress, we know there is so much more work to bedone to ensure that every person is empowered to make free and informedchoices about their sexual and reproductive health. It is tragic that theinternational community must squander energy to prevent backsliding ratherthan work to make further process. Beijing has been a positive foundationfor progress and we must reaffirm it in its entirety in order to continue tomove forward.Please email Ambassador Sauerbrey, head of the US delegation, at usa@un.int,and tell her that for the health of women worldwide and the spirit of globalconsensus the United States must reaffirm the Beijing Program of Action inits entirety and without amendments. Feel free to use this sample text orwrite your own letter:“I'm writing to ask you to reaffirm the commitment of the United States towomen’s rights and freedom by declaring our government’s support for theUnited Nations Platform of Action on Women’ Rights.Ten years ago at the United Nations’ IV World Conference on Women inBeijing, our country pledged to protect women’s human rights and promotewomen’s freedom of political participation and access to education,employment, and health care. Now representatives from the U.S. governmentthreaten to undermine freedom by refusing to endorse this landmarkagreement.I ask that you continue our country’s tradition of standing up for women’srights and freedom. Support women worldwide by reaffirming the BeijingPlatform of Action.”Please write today!

Monday, March 07, 2005

The New Anti Semitism

The New Anti-Semitism

“In the Name of the Other: Reflections on the Coming Anti-Semitism” by Alain Finkielkraut, in Azure (Fall 2004), 13 Yehoshua Bin-Nun St., Jerusalem, Israel.

The easy explanation for the burned synagogues, profaned cemeteries, and schoolyard taunts of contemporary France is that they are a revival of Europe’s ancient anti-Semitism—the same enmity that spawned Shakespeare’s grotesque caricature of Shylock, kindled the Dreyfus affair, and culminated in the Holocaust. Too easy, writes Finkielkraut, a lecturer in social sciences at Paris’s École Polytechnique. Today’s anti-Semitism flourishes in some of the most “enlightened” quarters of French society.

The roots of this new anti-Semitism lie in Europe’s reaction to the Holocaust. America’s reaction to that horror has been strong but relatively uncomplicated: It was an abomination on foreign soil, and Americans helped put an end to it. But the Holocaust placed Europe in a more troubled position, in which it assumed “the roles of vanquisher, victim, and criminal all at once. The Final Solution took place on its land; the decision was a product of its civilization; and the enterprise found no shortage of accomplices, mercenaries, executors, sympathizers, and even apologists well outside of Germany’s borders.” So Europe has taken on the identity of Albert Camus’ “penitent-judge,” who, Finkielkraut explains, “takes pride in his penitence and is always on guard against himself.” It has “broken with its bloody past, intent on remembering only its radical evil.” No longer does Europe think of itself first as the home of Dante, Mozart, Picasso, and Fellini. “It must unburden itself by switching from an admiring humanism to a reviling one.” Europeans thus say “never again” to Ausch­witz—and to war, power politics, nationalism, and all the other things they think drove them to Auschwitz.

One of the Holocaust’s lessons for Europeans is that one must always side with “the Other,” according to Finkielkraut, and for decades after 1945, Jews retained that status. But with the rise of Palestinian militancy, and in recent years the hard line of Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, Palestinians have claimed the victim’s mantle. Now they are the Other, while Israel—warlike, nationalist, and racist, in Europe’s eyes—embodies everything that Europe has rejected.

In France, Finkielkraut shared the sense of relief that inspired huge, joyful crowds to take to the streets on the day in May 2002 when the right wing’s Jean-Marie Le Pen went down to defeat in the presidential election. But he didn’t join the throngs, thinking, “The future of hatred is in their camp, and not in that of Vichy’s faithful. It is in the camp of the smiles, not of the gritted teeth. In the camp of humane, and not barbaric, men. In the camp of integrated society, rather than that of the ethnic nation. . . . It is in the ranks of the devoted admirers of the Other, and not among the narrow-minded petit bourgeois who love only the Self.”

Reprinted from Winter 2005 Wilson QuarterlyThis article may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed for compensation of any kind without prior written permission from the author. For further reprint information, please contact Permissions, The Wilson Quarterly, One Woodrow Wilson Plaza, 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, Washington, D.C.Phone:202/691-4200E-mail:wq@wwic.si.edu

Remains of the Day

REMAINS OF THE DAY- Why Iraqi women should read The Taming of the ShrewSecond Thoughts Githa HariharanThere was a time when March 8 meant more than an official lip-service towomen’s rights, or advertisements in Indian newspapers for pre-fabricatedginger-garlic paste that saves women the trouble of grinding fresh masala.For those of us who grew up believing in March 8, the day tells the story ofordinary women as makers of history, and the struggle of women everywhere toparticipate in society on an equal footing with men. The symbolism ofInternational Women’s Day is rooted in a rich range of historical andimaginative moorings. There are echoes, for instance, of ancient Greece’sLysistrata, who initiated a sexual strike against men in order to end war —an appropriate echo, given the sustained link between women’s movements andpeace movements. Again, there are the powerful memories of Parisian womencalling for liberty, equality and fraternity as they marched on toVersailles to demand women’s suffrage.Since the idea of an International Women’s Day first arose at the turn ofthe century, its context has been the popular movements for women’s rights.In the early years, universal suffrage for women was one of the recurringspecific themes. In addition to the right to vote and to hold public office,the day also reminded the world of women’s rights to work, to vocationaltraining and to the injustice of job discrimination. International Women’sDay has, time and again, protested against the horrors of war. One eloquentexample: as part of the peace movement brewing on the eve of World War I,Russian women observed their first International Women’s Day on the lastSunday in February 1913. Elsewhere in Europe, on or around March 8 of thefollowing year, women held rallies either to protest against the war or toexpress solidarity with their sisters. With two million Russian soldiersdead in the war, Russian women again chose the last Sunday in February tostrike for “bread and peace”. Though political leaders opposed the timing ofthe strike, the women went ahead. Four days later, the Czar was forced toabdicate and the provisional government granted women the right to vote.With such a history, International Women’s Day became, by tradition, a timeto reflect on progress made in different parts of the world, to call forfurther change, and to celebrate acts of courage by ordinary women. I belongto a generation for whom March 8 is one of the most important days of theyear. In fact, I know several women who chose to get married on the day,with what now seems touching hope — hope encouraged either by their youth,or by the fact that they were growing up in a time different from thepresent. At any rate, such a sense of hope — of better times to come — waspossible when we were allowed to be clearer about what March 8 stood for.The day had not yet been appropriated by a range of conservatives ready touse anything to further their own causes. Now that all kinds of unlikelychampions of women’s rights have discovered March 8, the day may never bethe same again.Consider a recent mockery of March 8. On International Women’s Day in 2004,Colin Powell announced grants of $10 million earmarked for the greater goodof Iraqi women. Apparently, a number of senior government officials from thestate department, the National Security Council, the US Agency forInternational Development and leading non-government experts and activistsgathered at the White House to discuss the role of Iraqi women in the“historic transformation” of the country. No doubt these wise and generoussouls were convinced that they had helped women in Afghanistan transformtheir country, and that women in the other theatres of American warfaredeserved a similar gift.The objective of this $10 million gift, the “Iraqi Women’s DemocracyInitiative”, is to “to help women become full and vibrant partners in Iraq’sdeveloping democracy”. To this end, the state department signed on severalnon-profit organizations to bring democracy to Iraqi women. The claim isthat thousands of Iraqi women will be “trained” in political leadership,advocacy, entrepreneurship and organizational skills — knowledge that “couldfacilitate and encourage their participation in Iraq’s elections in 2005”.In the grand words of the lady of the manor distributing largesse, Americanunder-secretary of state for global affairs, Paula Dobriansky said, “We willgive them the tools to manage their own associations and to build coalitionswith others, and we will provide the information and experience they need torun for office, lobby for fair treatment and lead Iraq’s emerginginstitutions.” Clearly, what women of the world need to do is unite toagitate for the Americans to come and occupy their countries as well.One of the recipients of $10 million in grants to “train Iraqi women in theskills and practices of democratic public life” is the Independent Women’sForum. The IWF, with its partners, has begun implementing a 12-month womenleaders programme and Democracy Network Information and Coordination Center.The Center will be a key source of information and educational materials ondemocracy, campaigning and governance for a variety of Iraqi democracy andwomen’s rights advocacy organizations.What exactly is this IWF, and how is it qualified to train Iraqi women toshed their chains? The IWF, it turns out, was started precisely to oppose“radical feminism”. Ann Lewis, in an article called “Anti-feminists forIraqi women”, lists several rather dubious achievements of the IWF. Theseinclude lobbying against the Violence Against Women Act for its “wishfulthinking about the power of the federal government to curb violence againstintimate partners”. The IWF has disputed the existence of a wage-gap betweenmen and women; naturally it opposes greater enforcement of the Equal PayAct, since it explains away disparity in income as linked to the fact ofwomen “choosing” to have children. An IWF-sponsored study criticized women’sstudies curricula at 30 universities, and the study’s author, ChristineStolba, claimed on Fox’s O’Reilly Factor that women could learn more aboutgender politics by reading Shakespeare’s The Taming of the Shrew thanreading any of the many important books in the various syllabi.The group receives regular contributions from some of the most conservativefamily endowments in the country, including the Olin and RandolphFoundations, and the IWF’s board of directors includes such notableanti-feminists such as the vice-president’s wife, Lynne Cheney; theClinton-hunter, Midge Decter; and Wendy Lee Gramm, the former Enronboard-member and wife of former Texas senator, Phil Gramm.This International Women’s Day, consider the awful irony of two simultaneoussets of signals competing for our attention, and making a travesty of whatMarch 8 used to stand for. On the one hand, “democracy” at gunpoint: the newcustodians of Iraqi progress pushing money into women’s rights in a countrythey have ravaged with war. On the other hand, headlines hinting at thelives of women in occupied Iraq: “City of ghosts”, “Parents concerned aschild kidnappings increase”, “Gunfire is the only common language”, and “Noescape for civilians in Iraq war of attrition”.http://www.telegraphindia.com/1050307/asp/opinion/story_4406476.asp

Sunday, March 06, 2005

Georgette Heyer A New Perspective

LESS THAN GOLD- Re-reading The Grand SophyMUKUL KESAVANmukulkesavan@yahoo.co.ukMost of us have had the disconcerting experience of discoveringindefensible prejudice in favourite books by much-loved writers. Last week Iwas re-reading (for the twentieth time perhaps) The Grand Sophy, a novel byGeorgette Heyer. Heyer was (for those who have never read her) a romanticnovelist most famous for some two dozen novels set in the late eighteenthand early nineteenth centuries, and her characters generally belong to thearistocratic, dandified world of Regency England. Her romances, though theyobserve the conventions of the genre, are not to be confused with the pulpfiction mass-produced by factories like Mills & Boon and Silhouette; Heyerproduced a wonderfully realized period world and her romances wereaccomplished historical novels. To have read Heyer is to have lived themannered, slightly absurd social world presided over by the Prince Regent,later George IV.Sophia Stanton-Lacy is the heroine of The Grand Sophy. She’s had anunusually cosmopolitan upbringing on account of her father being a diplomat,and when the novel opens we find her father arranging to have her stay withhis sister, Lady Ombersley, in London, because he’s being sent on a missionto Brazil.Sophia, known to her friends as the Grand Sophy, is a tall, unusuallyconfident young woman, with a propensity for setting other people’s affairsto rights. The novel’s plot turns have mostly to do with the way in whichshe sorts out her cousins’ lives and the novel ends with her marrying theoldest of her cousins, Lady Ombersley’s older son, Charles Rivenhall. Midwaythrough the novel, Sophy takes an interest in cousin Hubert’s affairs.Hubert, Charles’s younger brother, has fallen into debt and borrowed a largesum of money from a loan shark by pledging an emerald ring that happens tobe an heirloom. Sophy takes it upon herself to redeem the emerald and Hubert’s bond. One morning, she slips out of the house and hires a hackney to takeher to the squalid street where the money-lender lives.The moneylender’s name is Goldhanger and this is where the modern reader’stroubles begin. That he is Jewish is not in itself a problem, because thisis, after all, a period novel, and Jewish moneylenders abounded in RegencyLondon. No, the problem is that well before the reader actually meetsGoldhanger, he has been given to understand that Goldhanger is aparticularly depraved sort of usurer. Respectable moneylenders (with properGentile names like Howard & Gibbs) would never lend to minors like Hubertwho is still a student at Oxford.Goldhanger lives off a filthy, smelly lane and when he opens the door toSophy, this is what she sees: “...a thin, swarthy individual, with longgreasy curls, a semitic nose, and an ingratiating leer. His hooded eyesrapidly took in every detail of Sophy’s appearance.”In what follows, Goldhanger is wholly the villain, ingratiating at first,“wiping his hands together”, because “the instinct of his race made himprefer, whenever possible, to maintain a manner of the utmost urbanity”.WhenSophy insists on redeeming the emerald and the bond without paying theusurious interest, Goldhanger turns sinister and threatens her with violenceand worse. Sophy checkmates him by producing a pistol and forces him to doher bidding. Just before leaving, she says, “...I see that you are a veryevil man, and I cannot help wondering if a really courageous person wouldnot shoot now, and so rid the world of someone who has done a great deal ofharm in it.”No one reading this passage in the novel can mistake its systematicallyanti-semitic tone. And yet, I had read it more than a dozen times overthirty years, admired Sophy’s intrepidity, laughed at Goldhanger’sdiscomfiture without once stopping to consider the prejudice that animatesthe narrative. Why, then, did it suddenly seem appalling? More to the point,why hadn’t I been appalled before?I can try to guess. Part of the explanation might lie in the way in whichGoldhanger figured in my mind as a stock villain from some period repertory;perhaps I just assimilated him to the string of out-and-out filmi villains Ihad been raised on, starting with Pran, on through to Sadashiv Amrapurkar,or it might have been that Goldhanger seemed no worse than the graspingbania preying on innocents, a stereotype most Indians know and take forgranted. I’m not sure.But I know why I abruptly woke up to the vileness of this passage. Sometwenty of Heyer’s novels had been published in a handsome new paperbackedition by Arrow and I had bought the whole lot on impulse. Heyer died in1974 and since I had so many of her novels at hand, I spent a while turningto the copyright page of each one, just to date them, to see when she hadwritten the good ones. The Grand Sophy, without doubt one of her best, hadbeen first published by William Heinemann in 1950.The date stayed in my mind and when I revisited The Grand Sophy and read myway through the Goldhanger scene it occurred to me that it had been writtenat the end of the decade of Hitler and the Holocaust. Heyer had invented hergreasy, servile, hook-nosed, hooded-eyed, sinister, blood-sucking Jew insidea few years of Hitler killing six million men, women and children for beinghook-nosed, hooded-eyed, sinister, blood-sucking Jews.I didn’t gag and retch and toss the book away. I got to the end and evenexperienced some of the old pleasure at the comically contrived union ofCharles Rivenhall and Sophia Stanton-Lacy. But I can say, truthfully, andwithout reaching for effect, that reading Georgette Heyer will never quitebe the same again.It’s difficult to understand a world where such a passage could have beenwritten and respectably published within years of the Holocaust. Heyer was apopular, much reviewed, critically respected writer. A.S. Byatt has writtenan appreciation of her work and Anthony Burgess admired her fiction. ReadingThe Grand Sophy it struck me that for her to have written the Goldhangerscene when she did, she had to be able to assume that her readership sharedher prejudices. I also realized that it was a little bit deluded for anIndian to try to insert himself into this communion between Georgette Heyerand the readers she wrote for, because in that view of the world, an Indianis much more like Mr Goldhanger than Miss Stanton-Lacy!I don’t think anything comparable happened here. I could be wrong, but I can’t think of any mainstream Indian writer publishing villainous caricaturesof sinister Muslims or Hindus inside five years of the pogroms and killingsof Partition. If anything the problem was the reverse: with the exception ofManto, post-Partition fiction was almost tiresomely politically correct.Still, better politically correct than bigoted.I was depressed for a while after the Goldhanger revelation. It’s hard toget used to the idea that a writer you’ve loved most of your life is more orless a cloven-hoofed alien. But a week afterwards, reading Bernard Lewischeered me up. This was his famous passage about the immemorial clash ofcivilizations between the Islamic world on the one hand and theJudaeo-Christian world on the other. Judaeo-Christian? He couldn’t have readThe Grand Sophy.http://www.telegraphindia.com/1050306/asp/opinion/story_4458577.asp